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Beazley Archive Dictionary

Etruria

ETROURIA (Ancient country) ITALY

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Greek & Roman Geography (ed. William Smith)

Etruria or Tuscia

ETROURIA (Ancient country) ITALY

Caere

KEREA (Ancient city) ITALY
  Caere (Khire, Ptol.; Kairea, Strab.; Kaireta, Dionys. : Eth. Kairetanos, Caeretanus, but the people are usually called Caerites), called by the Greeks Agylla (Agtlla: Eth. Agtllaios), an ancient and powerful city of Southern Etruria, situated a few miles from the coast of the Tyrrhenian Sea, on a small stream now called the Vaccina, anciently known as the Caeretanus amnis. (Plin. iii. 5. s. 8; Caeritis amnis, Virg. Aen. viii. 59.) Its territory bordered on that of Veii on the E. and of Tarquinii on the N.; the city itself was about 27 miles distant from Rome. Its site is still marked by the village of Cervetri. All ancient writers agree in ascribing the foundation of this city to the Pelasgians, by whom it was named Agyllaj the appellation by which it continued to be known to the Greeks down to a late period. Both Straboh and Dionysius derive these Pelasgians from Thessaly, according to a view of the migration of the Pelasgic races, very generally adopted among the Greeks. The same authorities assert distinctly that it was not till its conquest by the Tyrrhenians (whom Strabo calls Lydians), that it obtained the name of Caere: which was derived, according to the legend related by Strabo from the Greek word Chhaire, will which the inhabitants saluted the invaders. (Strab. v. p. 220; Dionys. i. 20., iii. 58; Serv. ad Aen. viii. 597; Plin. iii. 5. s. 8.) We have here the clearest evidence of the two elements of which the population of Etruria was composed; and there seems no reason to doubt the historical foundation of the fact, that Caere. was originally. a Pelasgic or Tyrrhenian city, and was afterwards conquered by the Etruscans or Tuscans (called as usual by the Greeks Tyrrhenians) from the north. The existence of its double name is in itself a strong confirmation of this fact; and the circumstance that Agylla, like Spina on the Adriatic, had a treasury of its own at Delphi, is an additional proof of its Pelasgic origin (Strab. l. c.).
  The period at which Caere fell into the hands of the Etruscans cannot be determined with any approach to certainty. Niebuhr has inferred from the narrative of Herodotus that the Agyllaeans were still an independent Pelasgic people, and had not yet been conquered by the Etruscans, at the time when they waged war with the Phocaeans of Alalia, about B.C. 535. But it seems difficult to reconcile this with other notices of Etruscan history, or refer the conquest to so late a period. It is probable that Agylla retained much of its Pelasgic habits and connexions long after that event; and the use of the Pelasgic name Agylla proves nothing, as it continued to be exclusively employed by Greek authors down to a very late period. Roman authorities throw no light on the early history of Caere, though it appears in the legendary history of Aeneas as a wealthy and powerful city, subject to the rule of a king named Mezentius, a cruel tyrant, who had extended his power over many neighbouring cities, and rendered himself formidable to all his neighbours. (Liv. i. 2; Virg. Aen. viii. 480.)
  The first historical mention of Agylla is found in Herodotus, who relates that the Agyllaeans were among the Tyrrhenians who joined the Carthaginians in an expedition against the Phocaean colonists at Alalia in Corsica; and having taken many captives upon that occasion, they put them all to death. This crime was visited on them by divine punishments, until they sent to consult the oracle at Delphi on the subject, and by its advice paid funeral honours to their victims, with public games and other ceremonies. (Herod. i. 166, 167.) It is clear, therefore, that at this time Agylla was a maritime power of some consideration; and Strabo speaks of it as having enjoyed a great reputation among the Greeks; especially from the circumstance that the Agyllaeans refrained from the piratical habits common to most of the other Tyrrhenian cities. (Strab. l. c.) This did not, however, preserve them at a later period from the attacks of Dionysius of Syracuse, who, having undertaken an expedition to the coasts of Tyrrhenia under pretence of putting down piracy, landed at Pyrgi, the seaport of Agylla, and plundered the celebrated temple of Lucina there, from which he carried off an immense booty, besides laying waste the adjoining territory. (Strab. v. p. 226; Diod. xv. 14.)
  Caere plays a much less important part in the history of Rome than we should have expected from its proximity to that city, and the concurrent testimonies to its great wealth and power. From the circumstance of its being selected by the Romans, when their city was taken by the Gauls, as the place of refuge to which they sent their most precious sacred relics, Niebuhr has inferred (vol. i. p. 385) that there must have been an ancient bond of close connexion between the two cities; and in the first edition of his history he even went so far as to suggest that Rome was itself a colony of Caere; an idea which he afterwards justly abandoned as untenable. Indeed, the few notices we find of it prior to this time, are far from indicating any peculiarly friendly feeling between the two. According to Dionysius, the Caerites were engaged in war against the Romans under the elder Tarquin, who defeated them in a battle and laid waste their territory; and again, after his death, they united their arms with those of the Veientines and Tarquinians against Servius Tullius. (Dionys. iii. 58, iv. 27.) Caere was also the first place which afforded a shelter to the exiled Tarquin when expelled from Rome. (Liv. i. 60.) And Livy himself; after recounting the service rendered by them to the Romans at the, capture of the city, records that they were received, in consequence of it, into relations of public hospitality (ut hospitium publice fieret, v. 50), thus seeming to indicate that no such relations previously existed. From this time, however, they continued on a friendly footing, till B.C. 353, when sympathy for the Tarquinians induced the Caerites once more to take up arms against Rome. They were, however, easily reduced to submission, and obtained a peace for a hundred years. Livy represents this as freely granted, in consideration of their past services; but Dion Cassius informs us that it was purchased at the price of half their territory. (Liv. vii. 20; Dion Cass. fr. 33. Bekk.) It is probable that it was on this occasion also that they received the Roman franchise, but without the right of suffrage. This peculiar relation was known in later times as the Caerite franchise, so that in tabulas Caeritum referre, became a proverbial expression for disfranchising a Roman citizen (Hor. Ep. i. 6, 62; and Schol. ad loc.), and we are expressly told that the Caerites were the first who were admitted on these terms. (Gell. xvi. 13. § 7.) But it is strangely represented as in their case a privilege granted them for their services at the time of the Gaulish war (Strab. v. p. 220; Gell. l. c.), though it is evident that the relation could never have been an advantageous one, and was certainly in many other cases rather inflicted as a punishment, than bestowed as a reward. Hence it is far more probable, that instead, of being conferred on the Caerites as a privilege immediately after the Gallic War, it was one of the conditions of the disadvantageous peace imposed on them in B.C. 353, as a punishment for their support to the Tarquinians. (See on this subject, Niebuhr, vol. ii. p. 67, vol. iii. p. 185; Madvig. de Colon. p. 240; Mommsen, Die Romische Tribus, pp. 160, 161; Das Romische Munzwesen, p. 246.) It is uncertain whether the Caerites afterwards obtained the full franchise; we are expressly told that they were reduced to the condition of a Praefecture (Fest. s.v. praefecturae); but during the Second Punic War they were one of the Etruscan cities which were forward to furnish supplies to the armament of Scipio (Liv. xxviii. 45), and it may hence be inferred that at that period they still retained their nominal existence as a separate community. Their relations to Rome had probably been adjusted at the same period with those of the rest of Etruria, concerning which we are almost wholly without information. During the latter period of the Republic it appears to have fallen into decay, and Strabo speaks of it as having, in his time, sunk into complete insignificance, preserving only the vestiges of its former greatness; so that the adjoining watering place of the Aquae Caeretanae actually surpassed the ancient city in population. (Strab. v. p. 220.) It appears, however, to have in some measure revived under the Roman empire. Inscriptions and other monuments attest its continued existence during that period as a flourishing municipal town, from the reign of Augustus to that of Trajan. (Gruter, Inscr. p. 214. 1, 226. 4, 236. 4, 239. 9; Bull. d'Inst. Arch. 1840, pp. 5-8; Nibby, Dintorni di Roma, vol. i. p. 342-345.) Its territory was fertile, especially in wine, which Martial praises as not inferior to that of Setia. (Mart. xiii. 124; Colum. R. R. iii. 3. § 3.) In the fourth century it became the see of a bishop, and still retained its existence under its ancient name through the early part of the middle ages; but at the beginning of the thirteenth century, great part of the inhabitants removed to another site about 3 miles off, to which they transferred the name of Caere or Ceri, while the old town came to be called Caere Vetus, or Cervetri, by which appellation it is still known. (Nibby, l. c. p. 347.)
  The modern village of Cervetri (a very poor place) occupies a small detached eminence just without the line of the ancient walls. The outline of the ancient city is clearly marked, not so much by the remains of the walls, of which only a few fragments are visible, as by the natural character of the ground. It occupied a table-land, rising in steep cliffs above the plain of the coast, except at the NE. corner, where it was united by a neck to the high land adjoining. On its south side flowed the Caeretanus amnis (the Vaccina), and on the N. was a narrow ravine or glen, on the opposite side of which rises a hill called the Banditaccia, the Necropolis of the ancient city. The latter appears to have been from four to five miles in circuit, and had not less than eight gates, the situation of which may be distinctly traced; but only small portions and foundations of the walls are visible; they were built of rectangular blocks of tufa, not of massive dimensions, but resembling those of Veii and Tarquinii in their size and arrangement.
  The most interesting remains of Caere, however, are to be found in its sepulchres. These are, in many cases, sunk in the level surface of the ground, and surmounted with tumuli; in others, they are hollowed out in the sides of the low cliffs which bound the hill of the Banditaccia, and skirt the ravines on each side of it. None of them have any architectural facades, as at Bieda and Castel d'Asso; their decoration is chiefly internal; and their arrangements present a remarkable analogy to that of the houses of the Etruscans. Many of them had a large central chamber, with others of smaller size opening upon it, lighted by windows in the wall of rock, which served as the partition. This central chamber represented the atrium of Etruscan houses, and the chambers around it the triclinia, for each had a bench of rock round three of its sides, on which the dead had lain, reclining in effigy, as at a banquet. The ceilings of all the chambers had the usual beams and rafters hewn in the rock. (Dennis's Etruria, vol. ii. p. 32.) One tomb, called from its discoverer the Regulini-Galassi tomb, is entered by a door in the form of a rudely pointed arch, not unlike the gate-way at Arpinum, and like that formed by successive courses of stones gradually approaching till they meet. Some of the tombs also have their interior walls adorned with paintings, resembling those at Tarquinii, but greatly inferior to them in variety and interest. Most of these are of comparatively late date, - certainly not prior to the Roman dominion, - but one tomb is said to contain paintings of a very archaic character, probably more ancient than any at Tarquinii. This is the more interesting, because Pliny speaks of very ancient paintings, believed to be of a date prior to the foundation of Rome, as existing in his time at Caere. (Plin. xxxv. 3. s. 6.) Another tomb, recently discovered at Cervetri, is curious from its having been the sepulchre of a family bearing the name of Tarquinius, the Etruscan form of which (Tarchnas) is repeated many times in different inscriptions, while others present it in the Roman form and characters. There seems every reason to believe that this family, if not actually that of the regal Tarquins of Rome, was at least closely connected with them. (Dennis, l. c. p. 42-44; Bull. d'Inst. Arch. 1847, p. 56-61.)
  The minor objects found in the sepulchres at Caere, especially those discovered in the Regulini Galassi tomb already mentioned, are of much interest, and remarkable for the very ancient character and style of their workmanship. The painted vases and other pottery have, for the most part, a similar archaic stamp, very few of the beautiful vases of the Greek style so abundant at Vulci and Tarquinii having been found here. Two little vessels of black earthenware, in themselves utterly: insignificant, have acquired a high interest from the circumstance of their bearing inscriptions which there, is much reason to believe to be relics of the Pelasgian language, as distinguished from what is more properly called Etruscan. (Dennis, l. c. pp. 54, 55; Lepsius, in the Annali d'Inst. Arch. 1836, pp. 186-203; Id. Tyrrhenische Pelasger, p. 40-42.)
  There is no doubt that Caere, in the days of its power, possessed a territory of considerable extent,. bordering on those of Veil and Tarquinii, and probably extending at one time nearly to the mouth of the Tiber. Its seaport was Pyrgi itself a considerable city, the foundation of which, as well as that of Agylla, is expressly ascribed to the Pelasgians. Alsium also, of which we find no notice in the early history of Rome, must at this period have been a dependency of Caere. Another place noticed as one of the subject towns in the territory of Caere is Artena which others placed in the Veientine territory, but according to Livy erroneously (Liv. iv. 61). The grove sacred to Sylvanus, noticed by Virgil, and placed by him on the banks of the Vaccina (the Caeritis amnis), is supposed to have been part of the wood which clothed the Monte Abbatone, on the S. side of the river.
  Caere was not situated on the line of the Via Aurelia, which passed nearer to the coast; but was probably joined to it by a side branch. Another ancient road, of which some remains are still visible, led from thence to join the Via Clodia at Careiae. (Gell, Top. of Rome, p. 12.)
  The antiquities of Caere, and the various works of art discovered there, are fully described by Dennis (Etruria, vol. ii. p. 17-63). See also Canina (Descrizione di Cere antica, Roma, 1838), and Grifi (Monumenti di Cera antica, Roma, 1841).

This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited August 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks


Spina

SPINA (Ancient city) ETROURIA
  Spina (Spina, Strab.; Spina, Steph. B.: Eth. Spinates and Spinites), an ancient city of Italy, situated near the southernmost mouth of the Padus, within the limits of Gallia Cisalpina. It was, according to Dionysius, a Pelasgic settlement, and one of the most flourishing cities founded by that people in Italy, enjoying for a considerable time the dominion of the Adriatic, and deriving great wealth from its commercial relations, so that the citizens had a treasury at Delphi, which they adorned with costly offerings. They were subsequently expelled from their city by an overwhelming force of barbarians, and compelled to abandon Italy. (Dionys. i. 18, 28.) Strabo gives a similar account of the naval greatness of Spina, as well as of its treasury at Delphi; but he calls it a Greek (Hellenic) city; and Scylax, who notices only Greek, or reputed Greek, cities, mentions Spina apparently as such. Its Greek origin is confirmed also by Justin, whose authority, however, is not worth much. (Strab. v. p. 214, ix. p. 421; Scyl. p. 6. § 19; Justin, xx. 1; Plin. iii. 16. s. 20.) But these authorities, as well as the fact that it had a treasury at Delphi, which is undoubtedly historical, seem to exclude the supposition that it was an Etruscan city, like the neighbouring Adria; and whatever be the foundation of the story of the old Pelasgic settlement, there seems no reason to doubt that it was really a Greek colony, though we have no account of the period of its establishment. Scylax alludes to it as still existing in his time: hence it is clear that the barbarians who are said by Dionysius to have driven out the inhabitants, can be no other than the neighbouring Gauls; and that the period of its destruction was not very long before the conquest of Cisalpine Gaul by the Romans. It does not appear to have ever been rebuilt or become a Roman town. Strabo speaks of it as in his time a mere village; and Pliny repeatedly alludes to it as a place no longer in existence. (Plin. iii. 16. s. 20, 17. s. 21; Strab. v.p. 214.) No subsequent trace of it is found and its site has never been ascertained. We know, however, that it must have been situated on or near the southernmost arm of the Padus, which derived from it the name of Spineticum Ostium, and which probably corresponded with the modern Po di Primaro. But the site of Spina must now be sought far from the sea: Strabo tells us that even in his time it was 90 stadia (11 miles) from the coast; though it was said to have been originally situated on the sea. It is probably now 4 or 5 miles further inland; but the changes which have taken place in the channels of the rivers, as well as the vast accumulations of alluvial soil, render it almost hopeless to look for its site.
  Pliny tells us that the Spinetic branch of the Padus was the one which was otherwise called Eridanus; but it is probable that this was merely one of the attempts to connect the mythical Eridanus with the actual Padus, by applying its name to one particular branch of the existing river. It is, however, probable that the Spinetic channel was, in very early times, one of the principal mouths of the river, and much more considerable than it afterwards became.

This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited September 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks


Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities

Aethalia

ELVA (Island) ETROURIA
or Ilva. An island in the Tuscan Sea, the modern Elba.

Ilba

   or Ilva. The modern Elba. An island of the Tyrrhenian Sea, off the coast of Etruria, and about ten miles from the promontory of Populonium. It was early celebrated for its rich iron mines; but by whom they were first discovered and worked is uncertain, as they are said to exhibit the marks of labour carried on for an incalculable time.

Etruria

ETROURIA (Ancient country) ITALY
   or Tuscia (Turrenia, Turseia). A country of Italy once inhabited by the people known as the Etruscans (Tusci). It lay west of the river Tiber and the Apennines, extending to the sea, and including the valley of the Arno. When authentic history begins, the Etruscans, in addition to this territory, held also the valley of the Padus (Etruria Circumpadana) and a further strip south of the Tiber (Etruria Campaniana). From the former territory they were crowded southward by the Gauls (see Celtae), and from the latter the Romans subsequently drove them. Etruria Proper was a confederation of twelve States or cities (duodecim populi Etruriae), of which no complete list has reached us, though it is fairly certain that the following towns were eleven of the twelve: Veii, Caere, Tarquinii, Clusium, Cortona, Perusia, Volsinii, Vulci, Vetulonia, Volaterrae, and Arretium. The twelfth was in all probability either Falerii, Populonia, or Rusellae. Of the northern league, the following were important towns: Felsina (Bononia), Mantua, Ravenna, Chiavenna, and Hatria or Hadria, which gives its name to the Hadriaticum Mare. In the south, Capua and Nola were rich and powerful cities. Like Etruria Proper, the northern league was one of twelve States.
    Ethnology.--The earliest traditions to which we now have access make the Etrurians a Lydian people. But this theory, which was carefully considered by Dionysius of Halicarnassus in his work on the origins of Rome, appears to rest upon no convincing evidence. Dionysius notes that it is not mentioned by Xanthus, the historian of Lydia, and sums up the results of his own investigations by saying that "the Etruscans do not resemble any other people either in language or in manners." This conclusion is interesting, for Dionysius had given much thought and time to the consideration of the question, and is said to have written a work on the Etruscans in twenty books, during the reign of Augustus, when there was a sort of Etrurian revival, in which everything Etruscan was the fashion. The identification of the Etruscans with the Lydians was very likely due to a confusion of the Lydian Torreboi with the name Tursenoi or Turrenoi, applied to the Etruscans by the Greeks. The confusion was easier because of the maritime prowess of both peoples and their piratical practices.
    Modern investigators have not been deterred by the ill success of Dionysius from attempting to solve the problem of the ethnological affinities of the Etruscans; but no definite and generally accepted conclusions have yet been reached. For purposes of investigation there have been collected some 6000 or more Etruscan inscriptions, the characters resembling Pelasgian or early Greek. There are also vast collections of their pottery, bronzes, jewels, and other works of Tuscan art. Fifteen bilingual inscriptions give some further aid on the side of the language, but less than one might suppose, for they consist only of proper names. The longest inscription yet discovered is that found at Perugia in 1822, consisting of fortysix lines, in red, upon two sides of a block of stone (the "Cippus Perusinus"). These records are in the main mortuary records taken from tombs, walls, or the labels and seals of mortuary niches, or still oftener painted upon urns or cut into sarcophagi. They usually give the name, parentage, age, and rank of the deceased, with a list of the offices that he held. The most noted investigations of the origins and affinities of the Etruscans have been those of K. O. Muller, whose dissertation on the subject in two volumes received a prize from the Academy of Sciences at Berlin, and Wilhelm Corssen (q.v.), who also published two elaborate volumes. Later works are those of Deecke and Pauli.
    By these scholars some progress has been made towards a knowledge of the peculiarities of the Etruscan language. Besides proper names, some 200 other words have been deciphered, among them a number of numerals, including the first six digits, the common words denoting relationships, and several verbal forms. As a matter of general interest, the following list of Etruscan words may be given from Pauli :

clan...........son
thu.............five.
puia...........wife. huth............six.
sekh...........daughter. suthinese........urn-niches.
lautni..........a freedman. tular............pillar (cippus).
cvil (cver)......gift, dedication. amce...........fuit.
mach..........one. ma.............est.
ci..............two. ture.............dat.
zal............three. turce............dedit.
sa.............four. arce.............habuit.

    Relationship is expressed by separate words (as above), or (more commonly) by suffixes: thus, Aulesa, “wife of Aule,” Theprisa, “wife of Thepri,” etc. Other linguistic facts that have been satisfactorily established regarding the Etruscan tongue are these: the existence of gender, the use of enclitics, the genitive singular in -s, the dative in -si or -thi, the absence of distinction between the nominative and accusative in nouns, and the formation of a plural in -r or -l.
    The Egyptian monuments speak of a people called Tursha as taking part with the Sardinians, Teucri, and other people from the coasts of “the North” in an invasion of Egypt about B.C. 1200; but the Tursha can not be definitely identified with the Tyrrhenians any more than can the Tyrrhenians with the Etruscans. Support is given to the Lydian hypothesis by the discovery made in 1886 by two French scholars, who found in the island of Lemnos a sepulchral monument with two Etruscan inscriptions, though of a dialectic character. Now, Thucydides states that Lemnos was inhabited by Tyrrheni, so that in the finding of these inscriptions Pauli sees evidence of the identity of the two peoples.
    An interesting discovery was made in 1891 by Prof. Krall of Vienna. About 1850, a mummy was deposited in the Museum of Agram by an Austrian traveller who had brought it from Egypt. When unrolled, it was found that the linen cloths in which it had been wrapped were covered with written characters. These, when examined in 1867 by Brugsch Pasha, were pronounced by him to be Ethiopic. In 1877 Sir Richard Burton explained them as Nabathean. It remained for Prof. Krall to prove that the characters are Etruscan, and that the words which they embody are found in the existing inscriptions of Etruria. They form, in fact, a book, of which the text originally consisted of twelve columns. More than two hundred lines are intact, including the last paragraph of the book. The mummy around which the linen bands were wrapped is that of a woman, and the gilding on the face and shoulders proves it to belong to the Greek or Roman period. Now, as Etruscan was still spoken and read in the first century A.D., it is easy to see how an Etruscan book could have found its way to Egypt, when both Etruria and Egypt were parts of the same Empire. The few words of the book that had been identified in 1893 make it probable that it is one of the semireligious, semi-magical works for which the Etruscans were celebrated. With the material for study and comparison afforded by the continuous text of this book, the problem of the Etruscan language seems likely to be brought at least measurably near to a satisfactory solution. The transcription and photographs of the text, with an account of Prof. Krall's discovery, were published by the Imperial Academy of Vienna in 1892 (Die Etruskischen Mumienbinden des Agramer National-Museums).
    Until lately philologists were in the main divided into two great camps on the question of the racial and linguistic affinities of the Etruscans--one set of scholars holding to the theory of a Semitic origin and the other to that of an Aryan. But the actual failure of Dr. Corssen to establish the Aryan hypothesis has to some extent simplified the problem, and the controversy is now carried on over the Semitic theory and the Ugro-Altaic, this last having been very ingeniously, though not convincingly, set forth by Dr. Isaac Taylor in his Etruscan Researches (London, 1874). There are many coincidences that make the Semitic hypothesis seem plausible. There are Semitic peculiarities traceable in the language--e. g. the reduplication of consonants, the omission of short vowels, and the retrograde writing. The religion of the Etruscans was a species of mysticism like that of the Semites of Carthage; their ruling class was a priesthood and their theology a system of casuistry, as with the Jews; while their rites were gloomy and horrible, like those of the Phoenicians. Again, their art possesses the peculiar rigidity, the conventionality, and the lack of expression that mark the art and architecture of the Asiatic Semites. Finally, their physical characteristics were Semitic in that the Etruscans depicted themselves upon their monuments as short, thickset, with large heads and clumsy limbs, and the aquiline nose that is one of the most noticeable peculiarities of the Semitic peoples. But while these coincidences are striking, they are not conclusive, and perhaps the most reasonable view is that of Muller, who regards the Etruscans as an Asiatic non-Aryan people intermingled with Aryan elements derived from the tribes which they gradually conquered and subdued. Their earliest home in Italy was on the Padus, and as late as Livy's time the people of the Rhaetian Alps spoke a dialect of Etruscan. The theory of a blending of two races, or rather of the grafting of an Aryan branch upon a nonAryan stock, would account for the two main features that present themselves in the Etruscan problem--the fact that, in the main, the Etruscans have nothing in common with their neighbours of Italy, and the additional fact that their language does seem to show some slight traces of Aryan influence--about as much, for instance, as that of the British Kelts left upon the dialect of their Teutonic conquerors. This hypothesis is at least reasonable, unless we are willing to accept the conclusion of the scholars who disparagingly regard the Etruscan people and the Etruscan language as sui generis, representing a race and a speech that have become extinct.
    Conestabile and others hold that the Etrurian people contained two distinct elements--the one native and servile, the other foreign and occupying the relation of lordship. Caere and Cortona are said to have been Pelasgic cities before they were possessed by the Etruscans; and certain inscriptions once classed as Etruscan are now ascribed to the more ancient Pelasgi. Livy states that the dialect of the Etrurians who inhabited the towns differed from that of the Etrurians of the country districts. Again, as Dr. Taylor points out, the rapid destruction of the Etrurian power in Campania and in the valley of the Padus makes it probable that it was a dominion of conquest rather than of colonization, and that the Rasena, or Etruscans proper, were a ruling aristocracy, of high culture and great ability, but few in number. All this is, in the main, corroborative of Muller's view.
    Government and Civilization.--The Etrurian government was a federal league of the twelve cities already mentioned, each ruled by magistrates annually elected from a class of priestly nobles of hereditary rank. These magistrates bore the titles Lauchme (Lucumo), Purtsvana (Porsena), and Marunuch, roughly corresponding to the Roman officers of Consul, Imperator, and Dictator. The official insignia afterwards used in Rome--the purple robe, the praetexta, the lictors and fasces, the sella curulis, and the apparitores--were derived from Etruria. The representatives of the twelve towns met at the temple of Voltumna at a place not now known. Books of laws existed in accordance with which the internal affairs of the State were managed (Libri Disciplinae), as well as the religious rites and the division of the people.
    That the civilization of the Etruscans was a highly developed one is shown by the little that we know of their social laws as well as by the evidences of their wealth, luxury, and power. The position of women was a high one; the wife was the social equal of the husband, as is shown by the sepulchral honours paid her, and by the pictures of domestic life pourtrayed on the sarcophagi and the vases. For a long time the Etruscans ranked as one of the three great naval powers of the Mediterranean. They are known, also, to have been familiar with the sciences, to have been skilled in mining, metallurgy, astronomy, and medicine, while their knowledge of engineering was conspicuous in the massive walls of their cities, built of huge blocks, perfectly fitted without cement, and in their roads, tunnels, and chambered tombs.
    In art and art-manufactures, the Etruscans stand very high. Their jewellery, which is in patterns formed by soldering on minute grains of gold, excites admiration, while their bronze-work, coinage, and mirrors are of very fine workmanship. Vast numbers of painted vases, found chiefly in tombs, possess both an historical and an artistic value.
    The religion of the Etruscans played a most important part in their lives, since they were proverbially devoted to the exercises of their faith, and we have, in fact, already noted that their very form of government was largely a system of sacerdotalism. Hence Livy describes the nation as gens ante omnes alias dedita religionibus; the early Fathers of the Christian Church denounced Etruria as genetrix et mater superstitionis; and Dionysius even went so far as to derive the name Tuscus from thuoskoos= thurifer. Their sepulchral monuments show them to have entertained a belief in a future life; while Varro, Cicero, and Martianus Capella all speak of the important part which divination played in their daily life--their affairs of State, even, being regulated by haruspices and augurs. The deities of Greece and Rome appear in their mythology [e. g. Ani (Ianus), Maris (Mars), Nethuns (Neptunus), Uni (Iuno), Artumes (Artemis), Velch (Vulcanus)], besides whom there are a number of native gods, such as Fufluns, Tinia, Turms, Thesan, answering roughly to Bacchus, Iupiter, Mercury, and Aurora. The Sun and Moon figure as Usil and Lala. Other gods, some of whom are occasionally mentioned by the Roman writers, are Manius and Mania, king and queen of the lower world, Nortia (Fortuna), into the door of whose temple at Volsinii nails (clavi annales) were driven to mark the successive years, Summanus, the god of night, Vertumnus, the god of Autumn, and the Novensiles, a collective name of all the gods who hurled thunderbolts.
    History.--Varro records a tradition that the Etruscan State was founded in the year B.C. 1044, and the Roman legends represent the Etruscans as a powerful and wealthy people at the time when Rome was founded. Later, but still during the early years of Rome, Etruria figures in history as a great naval power, allied with Carthage against the Greeks, and having kings of its own race dominant over the Romans, as the Roman historians themselves admit in recording the legend of the migration of the Tarquins from Tarquinii to Rome, and the sway of the Tarquinian dynasty. An Etruscan cemetery has been discovered on the Esquiline at Rome; the Caelian Hill bears the name of an Etruscan chief, Caeles Vibenna, while one of the oldest quarters of the city near the Palatine bore the name Vicus Tuscus. That the period of Etruscan domination at Rome was one of much prosperity to the city is seen by the stories that have been transmitted to us of the magnificence of the Tarquins, and more forcibly by the vastness of the engineering works constructed at that time, such as the Cloaca Maxima, the Capitoline temple, and the Servian Wall.
    Even after the expulsion of the kings from Rome, Etruria was still the greatest military power in Italy, and for a century the young Republic of Rome taxed all its energies in resisting the single Tuscan State of Veii, whose people in B.C. 476 actually succeeded in capturing the Ianiculum. During the period from B.C. 540 to 474, the Etruscans divided with the Greeks and Carthaginians the control of the Mediterranean, expelling the Greek colonists from Corsica (B.C. 538), an island which they still held in 453. In B.C. 525 they attacked the Greeks in Cumae, but in 474, Hiero of Syracuse, in a great naval battle fought off the Campanian coast, broke their naval power, and won a victory which is celebrated by Pindar in an extant ode. In 414, however, a contingent of their Etruscan ships was sent to aid the Athenians in their ill-fated expedition against Sicily. From this time the power of Etruria rapidly declined. In Campania, the Greeks of Cumae, aided by the Samnites, routed the Etruscan forces, and the Samnites carried Capua by storm; while in the north of Italy the Gauls swept down from the Alps, and, after overwhelming city after city, crossed the Apennines and made their way into the heart of Etruria. The rich Etruscan city of Melpum fell in B.C. 396, and not many years later, attacked by the Romans on the south, the southern province submitted to the Latin arms. In 311, the Romans crossed the boundary formed by the Ciminian Forest, in spite of several successive defeats sustained by them at the hands of the Etruscans, and won a decisive victory in the year 283 at the Vadimonian Lake. Tarquinii almost immediately fell; and in 280 Volaterrae, the great northern fortress of the Etruscans, having succumbed, the long struggle ended with the complete triumph of the Roman arms.
    Though conquered, the Etruscan cities appear to have been treated with mildness and consideration, and to have sustained towards Rome the position of allies rather than subjects. In the Second Punic War they furnished supplies to the Roman fleet, and later they were actually admitted to the Roman franchise (B.C. 89). Some of the greatest names in the later history of the Roman State are the names of men of Etruscan lineage. Pompeius Magnus (Pompu), Maecenas, and the family of Caecina were among these; and under the emperors many other distinguished men show in their lineage kinship with the noble families of Etruria. In fact, as stated above, during the Augustan age an Etruscan fad generally prevailed at Rome, like our Anglomania of to-day or the Gallomania of 1856-70; and Etruscan ancestry was a thing to be proud of.
    The debt of Rome to her Etruscan neighbours has been variously regarded. In the Latin language, apart from a comparatively few terms of religion, augury, and warfare, there are no real traces of Etrurian influence. To the Romans, the Etruscans were always an alien race, with whom, indeed, they traded and fought, and whose divination they employed; yet they never owned kinship with them, but rather let them hold the same relation towards Rome as did the Carthaginians, with whom the Latins also fought and traded. Yet the sway of the Etruscan kings at Rome did add much to the Roman ceremonial and the usages of Roman life. To Etruria are due the insignia of office, the fasces, the curule chair; and to the same source Rome owed the circus, the gladiatorial shows, the races, the triumph, the early monetary system, the rudiments of military science, the knowledge of augury, the tibicines, the lituus, and the art of building substantial houses, aqueducts, and sewers.

This text is cited Oct 2002 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks


Local government Web-Sites

Comune di Tarquinia (Corneto)

Maps

Ancient Etruria

ETROURIA (Ancient country) ITALY

Perseus Project index

Caere, Agylla

KEREA (Ancient city) ITALY
Total results on 24/4/2001: 139 for Caere, 13 for Agylla.

The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites

Dianium insula

ARTEMISION (Island) ITALY
  Originally called Artemision, the island, cited by Pliny (HN 3.81), was inhabited from the Stone Age but particularly during the Roman era. There are notable remains of a Roman villa, with rich living quarters, a bath complex, stores, cisterns, and harbor equipment at Cala Maestra and at Cala Scirocco. (See also Shipwrecks.)

G. Monaco, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites, Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Nov 2002 from Perseus Project URL below, which contains bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.


Ilva

ELVA (Island) ETROURIA
  Named Aithalia by the Greeks, the island is cited by Greek writers (from Polybius to Strabo, Ptolemy, and Diodorus Siculus) and by Latin writers (from Vergil to Pliny and Rutilius Namatianus) primarily for the mining of iron, first by the Greeks, then by the Etruscans and the Romans. A large number of discoveries have been made on land and in the sea (an abandoned ancient ship at Procchio). Inhabited from the Stone Age into the Roman era, the island offers even now the sight of two large Roman villas, one at Grotte di Portoferraio and the other at Cavo di Rio Marina. Archaeological finds are in the museums of Florence, Livorno, Rome, Reggio Emilia, and in depositories on Elba (Portoferraio, Marciana, and Porto Azzurro).

G. Monaco, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites, Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Nov 2002 from Perseus Project URL below, which contains bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.


Caere

KEREA (Ancient city) ITALY
  A major Etruscan town on a long tufa plateau 8 km from the sea and isolated from the surrounding plain by two small rivers, the Fosso del Manganello and the Fosso della Mola. Legend attributes its foundation to Thessalian invaders (Herod. 1.167; Diod. 15.14; Dion. Hal. 1.20; 3.58), its name deriving from invasion by Tyrrhenians. The town was allied with the Carthaginians in a successful battle against Phokaians in the Sardinian Sea (ca. 535 B.C.). In spite of a sudden change of alliance with the Tarquinii in 353 B.C., the town received civitas sine suffragio from Rome for help in battling the Gauls. But in 293 B.C. (Livy 7.19.6) or 273 B.C. (Dion. Hal. fr. 33 Boissevain), a revolt of the Etruscans deprived Caere of its independence (Fest. 155L, 262L) and of half of its territory, the coastal strip where the Romans founded four colonies, Fregenae, Alsium, Pyrgi, and Castrum Novum. Caere's decline dates from this period, and by early Imperial times the once great metropolis was no more than a village (Strab. 5.2.3).
  At least six temples are known, of which only two have been officially excavated: one on the N ridge (the so-called Manganello temple) and another nearby dedicated to Hera and frequented by Greek merchants as painted inscriptions indicate. Some 18th c. excavations revealed extensive Roman buildings, including a theater, a portico, and an Augusteum (now covered over). Some stretches of city walls of the 4th c. B.C. can be seen along the ridge.
  Three cemeteries are known: the largest on a hilltop NW of the town (Banditaccia), another on a similar height on the other side of the town (Monte Abatone), and the third on the S slopes of the hill (Sorbo) on which the town stands.
  Two Iron Age necropoleis of Villanovan type, one on Sorbo and one at Cava della Pozzalana on the Banditaccia side, contained large and rich chamber tombs, normally two rooms on the same axis, dug in the tufa rock. Of the richest graves, which show conspicuous mounds, one was partially built of huge tufa blocks and displays a corbeled vault. It contained furnishings of gold, silver, and bronze. By the mid 7th c. B.C. tomb architecture became more elaborate and in the 6th c. mounds were bordered by tufa moldings and preceded by funerary altars. Later in the same century the tufa was carved to simulate ceilings, funerary beds, thrones, and architectural moldings. During the same period an attempt was made to impose a plan on the cities of the dead with a grid of streets and long rows of facades for middle class burials. By the beginning of the 4th c. large chambers underground served for dozens of burials. Some are similar to Greek heroa, some contain niche burials. From the 3d to the 1st c. B.C. only poor graves are evident, mostly reusing older tombs.

M. Torelli, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites, Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Nov 2002 from Perseus Project URL below, which contains 159 image(s), bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.


Spina

SPINA (Ancient city) ETROURIA
  An important pre-Roman city, which excavations of the last 50 years have brought to light in the ancient delta of the Po, and in the lagoon basins ca. 6 km W of Comacchio (province of Ferrara).
  Founded by the Pelasgians, or by the Thessalians, or by Diomedes at the mouth of a branch of the Po (Hellanicus fr. 1 apud Dion. Hal. 1.28.3, 1.18.3-4; Ps.-Scyl. 17; Just. Epit. 20.1.1; Plin. HN 3.120), the city attained the thalassocracy of the Adriatic and maintained at Delphi a famous thesaurus (Dion. Hal. 1.18.4; Strab. 5.1.7, 9.3.8). It was within a road journey of three days from Pisa and was linked to Adria by a navigable canal built by the Etruscans. The invasion of the Gauls provoked the decline and desertion of the city (Dion. Hal. 1.18.5), and on the site in the Roman period there was no more than a small village (Strab. 5.1.7).
  The city's period of greatest prosperity coincided with the expansion of the Etruscans N of the Apennines beginning in the middle of the 6th c. B.C. Although the sources speak of Greek Spina in Etruscan territory, it was actually an Etruscan city in which Greeks, including an active group of Athenian merchants, exerted a strong cultural influence. In this light, the large amount of archaeological evidence, fundamental in understanding the civilization of Spina, may be understood.
  Land reclamation in the Trebba valley and in the Pega valley has opened up for investigation two adjacent necropoleis situated on the sandy dunes of an ancient shoreline (today ca. 10 km from the sea). From these have come 4061 earthen graves dating from the end of the 6th c. to the beginning of the 3d c. B.C. The prevailing custom is inhumation with the corpse oriented NW to SE. The burial finds reflect large commercial enterprises and the economic prosperity of the market of Spina. Attic red-figure ware abounds, particularly from the early Classical and Classical periods. The Spina collection has a documentary unity and an array of the work of vase painters (of Berlin, of Penthesilea, of the Niobid Painter, of Boreas, of Peleus, Polygnotos, Polion, Shuvalov) without comparison either in Greece or elsewhere. Other pottery is Etruscan, Faliscan (from Magna Graecia), Sicilian, and Boiotian, in addition to notable local production of the so-called early Adriatic group. There are Etruscan bronzes and gold jewelry and some early Venetic bronzes, as well as numerous examples of glazed ware and amber.
  Land reclamation in the Mezzano valley (1960) led to the identification of the site of Spina W of the necropoleis and exactly along a middle branch of the ancient Po delta, called the Padus Vetus in mediaeval documents. It is a characteristic settlement on a marshy site: an irregular perimeter, protected by multiple palisades and earthen ramparts, streets on a square grid plan oriented NW to SE, and wooden dwellings. Two km SE, near Motta della Girata, a canal, 15 m wide, leaves the river and cuts across the dunes of the Etruscan shoreline. This is evidently the work of the Etruscans intent upon maintaining close connection between the city and the sea, which kept moving farther away as a result of the extension of the coastal land. The presence there of the Early Christian parish church of Santa Maria in Padovetere shows the extreme demographic tenacity of the city which had then disappeared.
  Because they demonstrate a knowledge of the N Etruscan alphabet, the many graffiti on pottery from Spina are notable. All articles can be found in the National Archaeological Museum in Ferrara.

N. Alfieri & G. V. Gentili, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites, Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Nov 2002 from Perseus Project URL below, which contains bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.


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