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Listed 68 sub titles with search on: Information about the place  for wider area of: "IOANNINA Prefecture EPIRUS" .

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The Rivers of Epirus

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The city of Ioannina

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It is a rocky massif, of which the 4/5 of the total belong to the Albanian territory. Its highest peak (2.495m.) is Nemerska or Politsa of Dembeli


From this village one can have access from the W to the shelters and to the ski center of the Mt. Vasilitsa.


Its sources are to the northern side of Ioannina prefecture. The river flows through the mountains Tymfi and Kasidiaris and, ca. 20km. to the W of Ioannina, it turns towards the W and, flowing through Thesprotia prefecture, empties into the Ionian Sea, into the Strait of Corfu, S of Sagiada. Its length is 115km.


Aoos ravine - Geographical position

  The Aoos ravine is part of the Vikos-Aoos National Park and it is located in the northwest of the Pindos range and in the southeast of Konitsa in the Prefecture of Ioannina.
  The ravine lies to the southeastern and western slopes of Mounts Trapezitsa-Roidovouni, which are the branches of Mount Smolikas. Its direction is from northwest to southeast.
  The Aoos river, famous for its natural beauty, flows down the ravine. The maze-like river attracts many tourists who can enjoy the sports of canoeing-kayaking, as well as the unique beauty of the landscape. Access to the ravine is possible by the single-arched stone-bridge of the Aoos river, which is built at the lower end of the town of Konitsa. Konitsa lies to the north of the Perfecture of Ioannina and it is built at the foot of Mount Trapezitsa, at the altitude of 650m. The town is accessible by the Ioannina-Kozani national road and it is 65km far from Ioannina.
This text (extract) is cited June 2003 from the Municipality of Konitsa tourist pamphlet (2nd edition 1997).

Greek & Roman Geography (ed. William Smith)


Aous. More rarely Aeas (Aoos, Aoos, Aoios, Pol. Strab. Liv.: Aias, Hecat. ap. Strab. p. 316; Scylax, s. v. Illurioi; Steph. B. s. v. Lakmon; Val. Max. i. 5. ext. 2; erroneously called Anius, Anios by Plut. Caes. 38, and ANAS Anas, by Dion Cass. xli. 45: Viosa, Vuissa, Vovussa), the chief river of Illyria, or Epirus Nova, rises in Mount Lacmon, the northern part of the range of Mount Pindus, flows in a north-westerly direction, then suddenly turns a little to the southward of west; and having pursued this course for 12 miles, between two mountains of extreme steepness, then recovers its north-western direction, which it pursues to the sea, into which it falls a little S. of Apollonia. (Herod. ix. 93; Strab., Steph. B., ll. cc.; Leake, Northern Greece, vol. iv. p. 384.) The two mountains mentioned above approach very near each other, and form the celebrated pass, now called the Stena of the Viosa, and known in antiquity by the name of the Fauces Antigonenses, from its vicinity to the city of Antigoneia. (Fauces ad Antigoneam, Liv. xxxii. 5; ta par' Antigoneian stena, Pol. ii. 5.) Antigoneia (Tepeleni) was situated near the northern entrance of the pass at the junction of the Aous with a river, now called Dhryno, Drino, or Druno. At the termination of the pass on the south is the modern village of Klisura, a name which it has obviously received from its situation. It was in this pass that Philip V., king of Macedonia, in vain attempted to arrest the progress of the Roman consul, T. Quinctius Flamininus, into Epirus. Philip was encamped with the main body of his forces on Mount Aeropus, and his general, Athenagoras, with the light troops on Mount Asnaus. (Liv. l. c.) If Philip was encamped on the right bank of the river, as there seems every reason for believing, Aeropus corresponds to Mount Trebusin, and Asnaus to Mount Nemertzika. The pass is well described by Plutarch (Flamin. 3) in a passage which he probably borrowed from Polybius. He compares it to the defile of the Peneius at Tempe, adding that it is deficient in the beautiful groves, the verdant forests, the pleasant retreats and meadows which border the Peneius; but in the lofty and precipitous mountains, in the profundity of the narrow fissure between them, in the rapidity and magnitude of the river, in the single narrow path along the bank, the two places are exactly alike. Hence it is difficult for an army to pass under any circumstances, and impossible when the place is defended by an enemy. (Quoted by Leake, vol. i. p. 389.) It is true that Plutarch in this passage calls the river Apsus, but the Aous is evidently meant. (Leake, Northern Greece, vol. i. pp. 31, seq., 383, seq. vol. iv. p. 116.)

This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited July 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks


DODONI (Ancient city) IOANNINA
  Dodone (sometimes Dodon, Soph. Trach. 172: Eth. Dodonaios). A town in Epeirus, celebrated for its oracle of Zeus, the most ancient in Hellas. It was one of the seats of the Pelasgians, and the Dodonaean Zeus was a Pelasgic divinity. The oracle at Dodona enjoyed most celebrity in the earlier times. In consequence of its distance from the leading Grecian states, it was subsequently supplanted to a great extent by that at Delphi; but it continued to enjoy a high reputation, and was regarded in later times as one of the three greatest oracles, the other two being those of Delphi and of Zeus Ammon in Libya. (Strab. xvi. p. 762; Cic. de Div. i. 1, 43; Corn. Nep. Lys. 3.)
  The antiquity of Dodona is attested by several passages of Homer, which it is necessary to quote as they have given rise to considerable discussion:
(1) Gouneus d ek Kuphou e_ge duo kai eikosi neas: toi d Enienes heponto, meneptolemoi te Peraiboi, hoi peri Dodonen duscheimeron oiki ethento hoi t amph himerton Titaresion erg enemonto. (Il. ii. 748.)
(2) Zeu ana, Dodonaie, Pelasgike, telothi naion, Dodones medeon duscheimerou amphi de Selloi soi naious hupophetai aniptopodes chamieunai. (Il. xvi. 233.)
(3) Ton d es Dodonen phato bemenai, ophra theoio ek druos hupsikomoio Dios boulen epakousai, hoppos nostesei Ithakes es piona demon. (Od. xiv. 327, xix. 296).
  The ancient critics believed that there were two places of the name of Dodona, one in Thessaly, in the district of Perrhaebia near Mount Olympus, and the other in Epeirus in the district of Thesprotia; that the Enienes mentioned (No. 1) along with the Perrhaebi of the river Titaresius came from the Thessalian town; and that the Dodona, which Ulysses visited in order to consult the oracular oak of Zeus, after leaving the king of the Thesproti, was the place in Epeirus (No. 3). With respect to the second passage above quoted there was a difference of opinion; some supposing posing that Achilles prayed to Zeus in the Thessalian Dodona as the patron god of his native country; but others maintaining that the mention of Selli, whose name elsewhere occurs in connection with the Thesprotian Dodona, points to the place in Epeirns. (Strab. vii. p. 327, ix. p. 441; Steph. B. s. v. Dodone.) There can be no doubt, that the first-quoted passage in Homer refers to a Dodona in Thessaly; but as there is no evidence of the existence of an oracle at this place, it is probable that the prayer of Achilles was directed to the god in Epeirus, whose oracle had already acquired great celebrity, as we see from the passage in the Odyssey. The Thessalian Dodona is said to have been also called Bodona; and from this place the Thesprotian Dodona is said to have received a colony and its name.
  The Selli, whom Homer describes as the interpreters of Zeus, men of unwashed feet, who slept on the ground, appear to have been a tribe. They are called by Pindar the Helli; and the surrounding country, named after them Hellopia (Hellopie), is described by Hesiod as a fertile land with rich pastures, wherein Dodona was situated. (Strab. vii. p. 328; Schol. ad Soph. Trach. 1167.) Aristotle places the most ancient Hellas in the parts about Dodona and the Achelous, adding that the Achelous has frequently changed its course, - a necessary addition, since the Achelous does not flow near Dodona. He likewise states that the flood of Deucalion took place in this district, which was inhabited at that time by the Selli, and by the people then called Graeci, but now Hellenes. (Aristot. Meteor. i. 14.) We do not know the authority which Aristotle had for this statement, which is in opposition to the commonly received opinion of the Greeks, who connected Deucalion, Hellen, and the Hellenes, with the district in Thessaly between Mounts Othrys and Oeta. (Grote, Hist. of Greece, vol. ii. p. 355.)
  It is impossible to penetrate any further back into the origin of the oracle; and we may safely dismiss the tales related by Herodotus of its Egyptian origin, and of its connection with the temple of Thebes in Egypt, and of Zeus Ammon in Libya. (Herod. ii. 54, seq.) The god at Dodona was said to dwell in the stem of an oak (phegos, the oak bearing an esculent acorn, not the Latin fagus, our beech), in the hollow of which his statue was probably placed in the most ancient times, and which was at first his only temple (naion d en puthmeni phegou, Hes. ap. Soph. Track. 1167; Dodonen phegon te, Pelasgon hedranon, heken, Hes. ap. Strab. vii. p. 327; comp. Muller, Archaol. § 52, 2). The god revealed his will from the branches of the tree, probably by the rustling of the wind, which sounds the priests had to interpret. Hence we frequently read of the speaking oak or oaks of Dodona. (Hom. Od. xiv. 327, xix. 296; hai prosegoroi drues, Aesch. Prom. 832; poluglossou druos, Soph. Trach. 1168.) In the time of Herodotus and Sophocles the oracles were interpreted by three (Sophocles says two) aged women, called Peleiades or Pelaiai, because pigeons were said to have brought the command to found the oracle:
hos ten palaian phegon audesai note
Dodoni disson ek peleiadon ephe.

(Soph. Track. 171.)
  Herodotus (ii. 55) mentions the name of three priestesses. (Comp. Strab. vii. Fragm, 2; Paus. x. 12. § 10.) These female priestesses were probably introduced instead of the Selli at the time when the worship of Dione was connected with that of Zeus at Dodona; and the Boeotians were the only people who continued to receive the oracles from male priests. (Strab. ix. p. 402.)
  As Delphi grew in importance, Dodona was chiefly consulted by the neighbouring tribes, the Aetolians, Acarnanians, and Epeirots (Paus. viii. 21. § 2); but, as we have already remarked, it continued to enjoy great celebrity even down to the later times. Croesus sent to inquire of the oracle (Herod. i. 46); Pindar composed a Paean in honour of the Dodonaean god, since there was a close connection between Thebes and Dodona (Pind. Fragm. p. 571, ed. Bolckh; Strab. ix. p. 402); Aeschylus and Sophocles speak of the oracle in terms of the highest reverence (Aesch. Prom. 829, seq.; Soph. Track. 1164, seq.); and Cicero relates that the Spartans, in important matters, were accustomed to ask the advice of the oracles either of Delphi, or Dodona, or Zeus Ammon (Cic. de Div. i. 4. 3). The Athenians also seem not unfrequently to have consulted the oracle, which they did probably through their suspicion of the Pythia at Delphi in the Peloponnesian War. Thus, they are said to have been commanded by the Dodonaean god to found a colony in Sicily (Paus. viii. 11. § 12); Demosthenes quotes several oracles from Dodona (de Fals. Leg. p. 436, in Mid. p. 531, ed. Reiske); and Xenophon recommends the Athenians to send to Dodona for advice (de Vect. 6. § 2). Under the Molossian kings, who gradually extended their dominion over the whole of Epeirus, Dodona probably rose again in importance. The coins of the Molossian kings frequently bear the heads of Zeus and Dione, or of Zeus alone, within a garland of oak.
  In B.C. 219, Dodona received a blow from which it never recovered. In that year the Aetolians under Dorimachus, who were at war with Philip, king of Macedonia, ravaged Aetolia, and razed to the ground the temple of the god. (Polyb. iv. 67.) Strabo, in describing the ruined condition of the towns of Epeirus in his time, says that the oracle also had almost failed (vii. p. 327); but it subsequently recovered, and Pausanias mentions the temple and sacred oaktree as objects worthy of the traveller's notice. (Paus. i. 17. § 6.) He elsewhere speaks of the oak of Dodona as the oldest tree in all Hellas, next to the Lugos of Hera in Samos. (Paus. viii. 23. § 5.) The town continued to exist long afterwards. The names of several bishops of Dodona occur in the Acts of the Councils: according to Leake, the latest was in the year 516. Dodona is mentioned by Hierocles in the sixth century (p. 651, ed. Wessel.).
  Of the temple of Dodona we have no description notwithstanding the celebrity of the oracle. Indeed the building itself is first mentioned by Polybius, in his account of its destruction by the Aetolians in B.C. 219. He says that when Dorimachus arrived at the hieron near Dodona, he burnt the Stoae or Colonnades, destroyed many of the dedicatory offerings, and razed the sacred house to its foundations. (Paragenomenos de pros to peri Dodonen hieron, tas te stoas eneprese, kai polla ton anathematon diephtheire, kateskapse de kai ten hieran oikian, Pol. iv. 67.) From the words peri Dodonen we may conclude that the hieron was not within the walls of Dodona. It appears to have occupied a considerable space, and to have contained several other buildings besides the sacred house or temple proper of the god. It was stated by a writer of the name of Demon; that the temple was surrounded with tripods bearing caldrons, and that these were placed so closely together, that when one was struck the noise vibrated through all. (Steph. B. s. v. Dodone; Schol. ad Hom. Il.. xvi. 233.) It appears that the greater part of these had been contributed by the Boeotians, who were accustomed to send presents of tripods every year. (Strab. x. p. 402.) Among the remarkable objects at Dodona were two pillars, on one of which was a brazen caldron, and on the other a statue of a boy holding in his hand a brazen whip, dedicated by the Corcyraeans: when the wind blew, the whip struck the caldron, and produced a loud noise. As Dodona was in an exposed situation, this constantly happened, and hence arose the proverb of the Dodonaean caldron and the Corcyraean whip. (Polemon, ap. Steph. B. s. v. Dodone; Suid. s. v. Dodonaion chalkeion; Strab. vii. p. 329.) This appears to have been one of the means of consulting the god; and hence Gregory Nazianzen, in describing the silence of the oracle in his time, says, ouketi lebes manteuetai (Or. iv. p. 127, c.). Respecting the way in which the oracles were given, there are different accounts; and they probably differed at different times. The most ancient mode was by means of sounds from the trees, of which we have already spoken. Servius relates that at the foot of the sacred oak there gushed forth a fountain, the noise of whose waters was prophetic and was interpreted by the priestesses (ad Virg. Aen. iii. 466). On some occasions the will of the god appears to have been ascertained by means of lots. (Cic. de Div. i. 3. 4)
  The site of Dodona cannot be fixed with certainty. No remains of the temple have been discovered; and no inscriptions have been found to determine its locality. It is the only place of great celebrity in Greece, of which the situation is not exactly known. Leake, who has examined the subject with his usual acuteness and learning, comes to the conclusion, with great probability, that the fertile valley of Ioainnina is the territory of Dodona, and that the ruins upon the hill of Kastritza at the southern end of the lake of Ioannina are those of the ancient city. Leake remarks that it can hardly be doubted by any person who has seen the country around Ioannina, and has examined the extensive remains at Kastritza, that the city which stood in that centrical and commanding position was the capital of the district dnring a long succession of ages. The town not only covered all the summit, but had a secondary inclosure or fortified suburb on the southern side of the hill, so as to make the whole circumference between two and three miles. Of the suburb the remains consist chiefly of detached fragments, and of remains of buildings strewn upon the land, which is here cultivated. But the entire circuit of the town walls is traceable on the heights, as well as those of the acropolis on the summit. These, in some places, are extant to the height of 8 or 10 feet. The masonry is of the second order, or composed of trapezoidal or polyhedral masses, which are exactly fitted to one another without cement, and form a casing for an interior mass of rough stones and mortar. . . . A monastery, which stands in the middle of the Hellenic inclosure, bears the same name as the hill, but although built in great part of ancient materials, it does not preserve a single inscribed or sculptured marble, nor could I find any such relics on any part of the ancient site. (Leake.)
  Our space allows us to mention only briefly the chief arguments of Leake iii favour of placing Dodona at Kastritza. It was the opinion of the ancient writers that Dodona first belonged to Thesprotia, and afterwards to Molossis. Stephanus B. calls it a town of Molossis, and Strabo (vii. p. 328) places it in the same district, but observes that it was called a Thesprotian town by the tragic poets and by Pindar. But even Aeschylus, through calling the oracle that of the Thesprotian Zeus, places Dodona on the Molossian plain (Prom. 829):
epei gar elthes pros Molossa dapeda,
ten aipunoton t amphi Dodonen, hina
manteia thokos t esti Thesprotou Dios.

  Hence it would appear that the territory of Dodona bordered on the inland frontiers of Thesprotia and Molossis, and must in that case correspond to the district of Ioannina. Pindar describes Epeirus as beginning at Dodona, and extending from thence to the Ionian sea (Nem. iv. 81); from which it follows that Dodona was on the eastern frontier of Epeirus., That it was near the lofty mountains of Pindus, on the eastern frontier, may be inferred from the manner in which Aeschylus speaks of the Dodonaean mountains (Supp. 258), and from the epithet of aipunotos attached to the place by the same poet (Prom. 830), aud from that of duscheimeros given to it by Homer. (Il. xvi. 234.) The account of the destruction of Dodona by the Aetolians also shows that it was on the eastern frontier of Epeirus. Polybius says that the Aetolians marched into the upper parts' of Epeirus) (eis tous ano topous tes Epeirou), which words appear to be equivalent to Upper Epeirus, or the parts most distant from the sea towards the central range of mountains.
  Hesiod, in a passage already referred to (ap. Schol. ad Soph. Trach. 1167; comp. Strab. vii. p. 328), describes Dodona as situated upon an extremity in, the district called Hellopia, a country of cornfields and meadows, abounding in sheep and oxen, and inhabited by numerous shepherds and keepers of cattle; - a description accurately applicable to the valley of Ioannina, which contains meadows and numerous flocks and herds. Several ancient writers' state that the temple of Dodona stood at the foot of a high mountain called Tomarus or Tmarus (Tomaros, Tmaros), from which the priests of the god are said to have been called Tomuri (Tomouroi, Strab. vii. p. 328; Callim. Hymn. in Cer. 52; Steph. B. s. v. Tomaros; Hesych. s. v. Tmarios; Eustath. ad Od. xiv. 327, p. 1760, R., ad Od. xvi. 403, p. 1806, R.). Theopompus relates that there were a hundred fountains at the foot of Mt. Tomarus. (Plin. iv. 1.) Leake identifies Tomarus with the commanding ridge of Mitzikeli, at the foot of which are numerous sources from which the lake of Ioannina derives its chief supply. He further observes that the name Tomarus, though no longer attached to this mountain, is not quite obsolete, being still preserved in that of the Tomarokhoria, or villages situated on al part of the southern extremity of Dhrysko, which is a continuation of Mitzikeli.
  The chief objection to placing Dodona near Ioannina is the silence of the ancient writers as to a lake at Dodona. But this negative evidence is not sufficient to outweigh the reasons in favour of this' site, more especially when we consider that the only detailed description which we possess of the locality is in a fragment of Hesiod, who may have mentioned the lake in the lines immediately following, which are now lost. Moreover, Apollodorus stated that there were marshes round the temple (ap. Strab. vii. [p. 784] p. 328). The lake of Ioannina was known in antiquity by the name of Pambotis (Pambotis limne), which was placed in Molossis. (Eustath. in Hom. Od. iii. 189.)
  We have already seen that the temple of Dodona was probably outside the city. Leake supposes that the former stood on the peninsula now occupied by the citadel of Ioannina, but there are no remains of the temple on this spot.

This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited June 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks


  The ancient capital of the Molossi in Epeirus. where the kings and assembled people were accustomed to take mutual oaths, the one to govern according to the laws, the other to defend the kingdom. (Plut. Pyrrh. 5.) The town was taken by the Roman praetor L. Anicius Gallus in B.C. 167. (Liv. xlv. 26, 33, 34.) Its site is uncertain. but it was apparently on the sea-coast, as Anna Comnena mentions (vi. 5, p. 284, ed. Bonn) a harbour called Passara on the coast of Epeirus. If this place is the same as the older Passaron, the ruins at Dhramisius, which lie inland in a SSW. direction from Ioannina, cannot be those of the ancient capital of the Molossi. Those ruins are very considerable, and contain among other things a theatre in a very fine state of preservation. (Leake, Northern Greece, vol. iv.p. 81.)

This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited June 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks


  Thyamis (Thuamis), a river of Epeirus, flowing into the sea near a promontory of the same name. (Ptol. iii. 14. § § 4, 5.) It formed the northern boundary of Thesprotia, which it separated from Cestrine, a district of Chaonia (Thuc. i. 46; Strab. vii. p. 324; Pans. i. 11. § 2; Cic. ad Att. vii. 2, de Leg. ii. 3; Plin. iv. 1.) It is now called Kalama, apparently from the large reeds and aquatic plants which grow upon one of its principal tributaries. Its ancient name seems to have been derived from the thua or juniper, which, Leake informs us, though not abundant near the sources of the river, is common in the woody hills which border the middle of its course. The historian Phylarchus related (ap. Athen. iii. p. 73) that the Egyptian bean, which grew only in marshy places and nowhere but in Egypt, once grew for a short time upon the banks of the Thyamis. (Leake, Northern Greece, vol. i. p. 103, vol. iv. p. 97.)

This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited September 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks


  Stephanus B. mentions a town Tymphaea, which is probably the same place called Trampya (trampua) by others, where Polysperchon, who was a native of this district, murdered Hercules, the son of Alexander the Great.


  Tymphe (Tumphe), a mountain on the confines of Macedonia, Epeirus, and Thessaly, a part of the range of Pindus, which gave its name to the district Tymphaea (Tumphaia), and to the people, the Tymphaei Tumphaioi, Steph. B. s. v.). As it is stated that the river Arachthus rose in Mt. Tymphe, and that Aeginium was a town of the Tymphaei (Strab. vii. pp. 325, 327), Mt. Tymphe may be identified with the summits near Metzovo, and the Tymphaei may be regarded as the inhabitants of the whole of the upper valley of the Peneius from Metzovo or Kalabaka. The name is written in some editions of Strabo, Stymphe and Stymphaei, and the form Stymphaea also occurs in Arrian (i. 7); but the orthography without the s is perhaps to be preferred. The question whether Stymphalis or Stymphalia is the same district as Tymphaea has been discussed elsewhere. Pliny in one passage calls the Tymphaei an Aetolian people (iv. 2. s. 3), and in another a Macedonian (iv. 10. s. 17), while Stephanus B. describes the mountain as Thesprotian, and Strabo (l. c.) the people as an Epirotic race.

This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited July 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks

Greek and Roman Antiquities (eds. William Smith)

The Oracle of Dodona in Epirus

DODONI (Ancient city) IOANNINA
The Oracle of Dodona in Epirus. Here Zeus himself, the supreme god, was believed to give messages to men through the rustling of the leaves of a lofty oak. We must suppose something notable in the special tree; but the region round about Dodona, besides being mountainous, is said to be the most stormy in the whole of Europe (Mommsen, Delphika, p. 4), and would be calculated to excite the primitive feelings of the supernatural in a high degree.
  We can trace the oracle of Dodona up to a time of extreme primitiveness, when, it is probable, no other oracle existed in Greece, and before any of the refinements of experimental divination had been systematised. It is first mentioned in one of the most touching passages in Homer, that in which Achilles, before sending out his friend Patroclus to the battle, prays for his safe return. The invocation runs as follows (Hom. Il. xvi. 233-235):
"Zeu ana, Dodonaie, Pelasgike, telothi naion, Dodones medeon duscheimeron. ampsi de Selloi soi naioud hupopsetai aniptopodes, chamaieunai:
O king Zeus, Dodonaean and Pelasgian, thou who dwellest afar off, ruler of Dodona the place of wintry storms; and round about thee the Selli thy interpreters dwell, they of unwashed feet, whose couch is on the bare ground . . . . . Achilles, it is plain, addresses Zeus in these terms because he was believed to stand in a nearer relation to men at Dodona, through his oracle, than elsewhere; but also the passage appears to intimate a difference between the Zeus of Dodona and that more familiar Zeus who quarrelled with Hera on Olympus. And we have other reasons for thinking that the Zeus whom the Pelasgi worshipped in those remote times was something far vaguer than the Zeus of Homer. In the first place, we have the distinct affirmation of Herodotus (ii. 52): In early times the Pelasgi, as I know by information which I got at Dodona, offered sacrifices of all kinds, and prayed to the gods, but had no distinct names or appellations for them, since they had never heard of any. Herodotus goes on to say that the names of the gods were introduced from Egypt, and that the oracle of Dodona sanctioned their use; statements which are open to criticism. In the next place, Zeus at Dodona was worshipped under a peculiar name, Zeus Naius (Naios), the exact meaning of which is uncertain; and with him was worshipped a goddess, Dione, whose name (as Bouche--Leclercq suggests) is probably the feminine of Zeus. When the worship of Dione was introduced, we do not know; the first mention of it appears to be in Demosthenes (c. Meid. p. 531, § 53; de F. L. p. 437, § 299): but Strabo (vii. p. 329) tells us that she had a common temple with Jupiter; the researches of Carapanos at Dodona show that votive tablets were dedicated to her jointly with Zeus; and the meaning of her name and antiquity of her worship are testified by the two quaint verses ascribed by Pausanias (x. 12, § 5) to the early priestesses of Dodona: Zeus en, Zeus esti, Zeus essetai, o megale Zeu. Ga karpous aniei, dio kleizete metera gaian.
  Though Dione is not mentioned here, it is difficult not to think that she is identical with the earth (ga) mentioned in the second line; and if so, Zeus and Dione are symbolical of heaven and earth.
  We may then in all probability look upon the oracle at Dodona, in its original form, as. dedicated to a Zeus who symbolised, simply,. Heaven, and the power that dwells therein; and either from the first, or at all events at a very early date, a goddess symbolising the Earth, Dione, was associated with him. Such a worship must have been very different from the elaborate mythology which afterwards prevailed; and it will be observed that the ceremonial described by Homer is no less simple and primitive. The interpreters of Zeus are the Selli with unwashed feet, whose couch is on the bare ground; and if one is to take the account in the Odyssey as not far removed in time from that in the Iliad, we must suppose that they listened, as they lay, to the rustling of the oak-leaves; for in that poem (xiv. 327-8, xix. 296-7) Ulysses is said (in a feigned story) to have gone to Dodona to hear the counsel of Zeus out of the lofty foliaged oak: Ton d es Dodonen psato bemenai, opsra theoio ek druos hupsikomoio Dios boulen epakousai.
  Further, these Selli appear to have been originally not a caste of priests, but a tribe: Aristotle (Meteor. i. 14) speaks of them as such, and brings them into close connexion with the original Hellenes. It is therefore probable that they are the same as the Helli mentioned by Pindar, and that their district in those early times was called Hellopia; for at the end of Hellopia, says Hesiod (Fragm. ap. Schol. Sophocl. Trach. 1169), is the city of Dodona, which Zeus chose to be his oracular seat, and where he lived in the trunk of an oak-tree (psegou).
  So far the accounts of Dodona testify to a native origin, and to great rudeness of character. But the next step in its history brings it into contact with a foreign country; namely, Egypt. Herodotus, who gives the account referred to (ii. 54-57), professes it to be a narrative of the foundation of the oracle. Few will think this probable: but it may very well mark a period when the oracle received a more systematic form, and, above all, when the institution of priestesses began. These are not mentioned by Homer; and though they might have risen from a native source, there is no improbability in their foreign derivation. The priests at the Egyptian Thebes, then, told Herodotus that two of the sacred women were once carried off from Thebes by the Phoenicians, and they had learnt that one of them had been sold into Libya and the other into Greece; and these women were the first founders of the oracles in the two countries. The Dodonaean story, also told to Herodotus, is the exact counterpart of the above, except that the women are represented as doves. Two black doves, said the priestesses of Dodona, flew away from the Egyptian Thebes, and, while one directed its flight to Libya, the other came hither: she alighted on an oak, and sitting there began to speak with a human voice, and said that on the [p. 279] spot where she was, there should henceforth be an oracle of Zeus . . . . The dove which flew to Libya bade the Libyans to establish there the oracle of Ammon. The correspondence between these narratives, current in localities so distant from one another as the Egyptian Thebes and Dodona, is too great to have come by chance; and when we find from Strabo (vii. Fragm. 1 and 2) that the words for old woman and for dove in the Molossian language are similar, and from Sophocles (Trachin. 171-2) and Pausanias (x. 12, § 5) that the priestesses at Dodona were actually called doves, all objection to the Dodonaean story, on the ground of the seeming miracles, surely vanishes. And it is a further confirmation that Herodotus (ii. 57) tells us that the Dodonaean oracle resembled in character that at Thebes; to which may be added that Strabo (vii. Fragm. 1) tells us that the oracles of Dodona and Ammon were similar. Moreover, the quaint verses of the Dodonaean priestesses, quoted above from Pausanias, must remind us (longo intervallo) of the celebrated inscription on the temple of the veiled Isis.
  It will then appear that at a certain early period of the Dodonaean oracle, an important change took place owing to Egyptian influence; a change which at any rate involved the appointment of priestesses. It is possible that the worship of Dione was introduced at the same period, and so Strabo seems to imply (vii. p. 329): but this is altogether uncertain. When priestesses were once introduced as ministrants of the oracle, the male interpreters of the divine will sank into the background. Sophocles indeed (Trach. 1167) speaks of the Selli: but the passage applies to remote antiquity.
  Herodotus seems to have met with none; and they are ignored by Plato (Phaedr. 244 B). Strabo, however (ix. p. 402), tells us that, owing to a certain tragical occurrence, men and not women communicated the divine messages to Boeotians; though all other nations received them from the priestesses. At the same time the priestesses were under the control of a council of men; and Carapanos has found at Dodona inscriptions bearing the name and title of the president (naiarchos) of this council, and of one of its officers (prostates). (Carapanos, Dodone, pp. 50, 56.) Strabo tells us that the priests referred to by Homer were called tomouroi, and that some affirmed this to be the true reading in Hom. Od. xvi. 403, in place of themistes.
  Certain changes in the method of divination employed by this oracle must now be noted. The original method was by the interpretation of sounds (viz. the rustling of leaves); but in Plato's time we find (Plat. Phaedr. 244 B) that the priestesses, like those at Delphi, prophesied in a state of divine frenzy. This might be a direct imitation of Delphi; but the imitation would probably be disguised by an intermediate stage, dream-inspiration. Lycophron tells us (ap. Eustath. ad Iliad. xvi. 233) that this mode of divination existed at Dodona; and it would be quite natural for the priests or priestesses to listen to their rustling oak-tree by preference at night (and Homer's word chamaieunai suggests this). Again, we learn from Cicero (Divin. i. 43, 76) that divination by lots was practised at Dodona; it was an ill omen, he tells us, for the Spartans before Leuctra, that a monkey overturned the vessel in which were the lots that they had sent to the oracle. In later times brazen vessels were used to produce sounds of prophetic import: a circle of such vessels was suspended, which being moved by the wind struck against one another: for the same purpose a present was made by the Corcyraeans of a metal basin with a statue of a man placed over it, in the hand of which was a brazen scourge of three thongs, from which small bones (astragaloi) were suspended, which being moved by the wind struck against the basin. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Dodone: Suidas, s. v. Dodonaion chalkeion: Philostr. Imag. ii. p. 830; Strabo, vii. Fragm. 3.) This Corcyraean scourge was seen in the early part of the 2nd century B.C. by Polemon the geographer (cf. L. Preller, Polemonis periegetae fragmenta, Lips. 1838). At a still later date we have mention of a marvellous fountain at Dodona, which kindled torches when applied to it, and whose murmurings had also a prophetic quality (Plin. ii. § 228; Serv. ad Aen. iii. 466).
  No mention has been made above of a mode of divination which, in times when Dodona had fallen into decay, was thought to have been formerly practised there; namely, by the observation of the flight of doves. Dionysius of Halicarnassus (i. 15) mentions this; as also Strabo (vii. Fragm. 1), who however regards it as a misinterpretation of the fact that the priestesses were called doves. And a misinterpretation it was, no doubt, and one which would very naturally be caused by the original narrative of the foundation of the oracle in Herodotus; or by the expression disson peleiadon in Soph. Trach. 172. But it had a hold on the imagination of the Roman poets, which was increased by the fact that Dione, spoken of by Homer as the mother of Aphrodite (Il. v. 371), was afterwards identified with Aphrodite herself (Theocr. Idyll. vii. 116; Ovid. Art. Am. iii. 3, 769; Fast. ii. 461, v. 309), to whom doves were particularly sacred, whence Servius (ad Aen. iii. 466) actually speaks of the oracle as dedicated Jovi et Veneri, and in the Clementine Homilies (iv. 16, v. 13) Dodone is used as synonymous with Aphrodite. But all these are late and inaccurate representations, and receive no support whatever from any author contemporary with the period when the oracle was flourishing.
  A curious phrase may here be mentioned, with which Ephorus (ap. Macr. Saturn. v. 18, 8) tells us the oracles emanating from Dodona always terminated--Sacrifice to Achelous: the origin and exact meaning of the injunction is unknown.
  Dodona, though the most ancient of the oracles (as Herod. ii. 52 says, and as everything leads us to believe) was of course very inferior in political importance to Delphi, during the historical period. Croesus consulted it (Herod. i. 46), but was dissatisfied with its answer. The Athenians were unfortunately encouraged by it in their Sicilian expedition (Pausan. viii. 11, § 6; Suidas, s. v. Annibas). On the other hand, it proved itself incorruptible to the bribes of Lysander, when he wished to make himself king of Sparta (Plut. Lysand.); and it may be [p. 280] that Delphi had shown itself less scrupulous (though it also is said to have refused the bribe), for we find that Agesilaus, when meditating his expedition into Asia, gave a most marked preference to Dodona over Delphi (Plut. Apophth. Lacon. Agesil. 10). Demosthenes in the Meidias (l. c.) appeals to the two as equal authorities; in the de Falsa Legatione (l. c.), however, he refers to Zeus and Dione, but not to Apollo. We read of honours paid by the Athenians to the oracle of Dodona at a still later date (Hyperid. pro Euxenippo, § 35). The discoveries of Carapanos prove that the official documents of the Epirotic assembly were kept in the temple of Dodona (Dodone, pp. 48-68). But in B.C. 219, Dorimachus, the Aetolian general, razed the temple to the ground, and in B.C. 167 the Roman general Paulus Aemilius devastated and ruined Epirus. The oracle never recovered these blows. Seneca (Herc. Oet. 1623) speaks of it as deserted. Hadrian appears from the inscriptions to have been a benefactor to Dodona (Carapanos, op. cit. p. 171), and probably even rebuilt the temple; but the restoration, to judge both from probability and from the testimony of Lucian (Icaromen. 24), had little vitality; and the oracle may be said to have died under the destructive invasion of Dorimachus.
  The actual site of Dodona, which long had been unknown, was discovered in the year 1876 by a Greek explorer, Il. Constantin Carapanos, in the valley of the Tcharacovitza, about eleven miles south-west of the town and lake of Janina. Bp. Chr. Wordsworth, however, had already fixed upon the same spot (Greece, p. 249). The foundations of the temple and of the sacred enclosure were laid bare; and numerous inscriptions on leaden tablets render this one of the most important antiquarian discoveries ever made. Out of the mass of the votive tablets one inscription of more than ordinary historical interest may be quoted here: that in which the distracted Corcyraeans beg the oracle to tell them to what god or hero they must pray and sacrifice, in order to agree together for the common good.
  It will suffice just to mention the fact that a line of Homer (Il. ii. 750) mentions another Dodona in Thessaly, which has been by some supposed to be the original of the Epirotic oracle. The supposition, however, is otherwise entirely unsupported, and may be discarded without any great risk of error.

This text is from: A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities (1890) (eds. William Smith, LLD, William Wayte, G. E. Marindin). Cited July 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks

Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities


The chief river of the Greek part of Illyricum rising in Mount Lacmon, and flowing into the Ionian Sea near Apollonia.


DODONI (Ancient city) IOANNINA
   A celebrated city and oracle of Epirus, whose exact position has only of late been ascertained. We are not assisted here by any accurate ancient traveller like Pausanias, nor have we any itineraries or faithful measurements of distances to guide us; all is vague and indefinite. Dionysius of Halicarnassus placed it four days' journey from Buthrotum and two from Ambracia. It is universally allowed that the temple of Dodona owed its origin to the Pelasgi at a period much anterior to the Trojan War; since many writers represent it as existing in the time of Deucalion, and even of Inachus. Herodotus distinctly states that it was the most ancient oracle of Greece, and represents the Pelasgi as consulting it on various occasions. Hence the title of "Pelasgic" assigned to Zeus, to whom the temple was dedicated. Of the existence, however, of another oracle in Thessaly of the same name no doubt can be entertained; and to this the prayer of Achilles, in Homer, probably had reference. Setting aside the fables which Herodotus has transmitted to us, and to which he evidently attached no belief, his report of the affinity which existed between the service of this temple and that of Thebes in Egypt is deserving of attention. It appears from this author that in his time the service of the temple was performed by women; and he has recorded the names of the three priestesses who officiated when he visited Dodona. Strabo, however, asserts that these duties were originally allotted to men, from the circumstance of Homer's mention of the Selli as being attendant upon the gods. The term Selli was considered by many ancient writers to refer to a people of Pelasgic origin.
    The responses of the oracle were originally delivered from the sacred oak or beech (phegos). The god revealed his message in the rustling of the leaves, and the priests interpreted its meaning. Its reputation was at first confined to the inhabitants of Epirus, Acarnania, Aetolia, and the western parts of Greece, but its fame was afterwards extended over the whole of that country, and even to Asia, as we know that on one occasion the oracle was consulted by Croesus. The Boeotians were the only people who received the prophetic answers from the mouth of men; to all other nations they were always communicated by the priestesses of the temple. The reason of this exception is stated at length by Strabo (401), on the authority of Ephorus. Dodona was the first station in Greece to which the offerings of the Hyperboreans were despatched, according to Herodotus; they arrived there from the Adriatic, and were thence passed on to the Maliac Gulf. Among the several offerings presented to the temple by various na tions, one dedicated by the Corcyreans is particularly noticed. It was a brazen figure placed over a caldron of the same metal; this statue held in its hand a whip, the lash of which consisted of three chains, each having an astragalus fastened to the end of it; these, when agitated by the wind, struck the caldron and produced so continued a sound that 400 vibrations could be counted before it ceased. Hence arose the various proverbs of the Dodonean caldron and the Corcyrean lash. Menander, in one of his plays, compared an old nurse's chatter to the endless sound of this kettle.
    We hear of the oracle of Dodona at the time of the Persian invasion; and again in the reign of Agesilaus, who consulted it previously to his expedition into Asia. It is stated by Diodorus Siculus that Lysander was accused openly of having offered to bribe the priestess. The oracle which warned the Molossian Alexander of his fate is well known from Livy. From Demosthenes we learn that the answers delivered from time to time to the Athenians were laid up in the public archives, and he himself appeals to their testimony on more than one occasion. At length, during the Social War, Dodona was, according to Polybius, almost entirely destroyed in an irruption of the Aetolians, under their leader Dorimachus, then at war with Epirus. It is probable that the temple of Dodona never recovered from this disaster, as in Strabo's time there was scarcely any trace left of the oracle, but the town must still have existed, as it is mentioned by Hierocles among the cities of Epirus in the seventh century, and we hear of a bishop of Dodona in the council of Ephesus. All accounts seem to agree that Dodona stood either on the declivity or at the foot of an elevated mountain called Tomarus or Tamarus. Hence the term Tomuri, supposed to be a contraction for Tomaruri (Tomarouroi), or guardians of Tomarus, which was given to the priests of the temple. The site of Dodona was at one time supposed to be near Janina in Epirus, but recent explorations in the valley of Dramisius at the foot of Mount Olytzika have brought to light many dedicatory inscriptions to Zeus Naios and Dione, with other evidences that make this the probable site of the oracle.

This text is cited Oct 2002 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks

Pambotis Lacus

(Pambotis limne). A lake in Epirus not far from Dodona.


(Lakmon) or Lacmus (Lakmos). The northern part of Mount Pindus, in which the river Aous takes its origin.


A town of Epirus in Molossia, and the ancient capital of the Molossian kings.


Now Kalama; a river in Epirus, forming the boundary between Thesprotia and the district of Cestryna.

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DODONI (Ancient city) IOANNINA
  A city situated S of Lake Pambotis at the foot of Mt. Tomaros (mod. Olytsikas), 22 km S of Jannina. It was famed for its Sanctuary and its Oracle of Zeus which was greatly Venerated, even more than that of Apollo at Delphi, which finally took its place. Homer's heroes knew this oracle and its god. Thus Achilles prays to Zeus when he wishes to see Patroklos intervene in his stead and drive the Trojans from the ships (Il. 16.233). He speaks of the Selli, the prophets of Zeus, who have unwashed feet and sleep on the ground. In the Odyssey (14.327) Odysseus is described as having gone to Dodona to consult the priests of Zeus who interpret the sound the wind makes in the leaves of Zeus's great oak tree. In the historic period Herodotos went to Dodona (2.52) and recalls that the oracle at Dodona is held to be the most ancient in Greece. The cult of Zeus goes back to a period before Late Helladic III, about 1200. It may have been preceded by a goddess cult, as elsewhere in Greece (Ge?). Later, in the 8th c. we find a cult of Zeus and Dione, a female paredros. Pausanias (10.12.10) talks about a chtonian goddess and, while making it quite clear that he believes none of it, tells how every year at Pothniai in Boiotia suckling pigs were thrown into the megara, in a sacred wood consecrated to Demeter and her daughter, and that the pigs reappeared at Dodona the following year. These three elements--Zeus, Dione, cult of the oak--make up the Dodonian cult. We have evidence of the sanctuary in the god's answers, inscribed on thin sheets of lead; a certain number have come down to us. Chiefly under Pyrrhos' influence (297-272) the sanctuary acquired the form in which it now appears after excavation. It was torn down by the Aitolians in 219-218, then restored, and destroyed in 168-167 by the Romans and later, in 88 B.C. by Mithridates and his Thracians. In the Augustan period the theater was made into an arena and the emperor Hadrian visited it about 132. At the end of the 4th c. A.D. it was again in ruins; the oaks were cut down and a basilica was put up ca. the 5th or 6th c.
  Compared with a sanctuary like Delphi, Dodona clearly did not benefit from the building and beautification one might expect. Probably its isolated location, far from Greece proper and from busy thoroughfares, contributed to this neglect.
  Even the travelers who visited it, and later the archaeologists, did not give Dodona the stature it deserved. Excavations carried out since 1944 have revealed the appearance of the sanctuary as well as its history. The theater, located by all the travelers, has been completely uncovered and restored. It dates from Pyrrhos' reign. The cavea measures 21.9 m in diameter, the stone stage 31.2 m, and the orchestra ca. 19 m in diameter. The cavea was divided into three sections of 21, 16, and 21 rows of seats, giving it a capacity comparable to that of Epidauros. Ten radiating stairways divide the cavea into nine bays each for the first and second sections and 18 bays for the third. After the destruction in the 3d c. the wooden proskenion was replaced by one of stone. Again destroyed by the Romans, the theater was made lnto an arena in the Augustan period.
  Above the theater and sanctuary is an acropolis ringed with walls dating from the 4th c. B.C. that have in places been preserved to a height of 3 m.
  The sanctuary is situated to the E, 50 m down from the acropolis, and is partly surrounded by a wall. Inside this hieron to the E is a basilica, long mistaken for an early Temple of Zeus, then three small temples that have been identified as a Temple of Aphrodite and two of Dione. Between this group of buildings and the theater is a quadrangular monument, identified as the bouleutenon. As for the actual Sanctuary of Zeus, known as Hiera Oikia, it is possible to reconstruct its history, which is clearly divided into three periods. The first dates from the 4th c., when the sanctuary consisted of a temenos with a peribolos wall around it and a sacred oak inside it, and a small rectangular monument in one corner. Next, in the Hellenistic period, the temenos was enlarged, a stoa being put up on three of its four sides. Finally, about 200 B.C., the small naiskos was rebuilt, becoming prostyle, while a small propylaea was put up in the axis of the temple to allow for passage on the S side of the stoa. The sacred oak remained in the area of the temenos, close to the E peribolos wall.

Y. Bequignon, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites, Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Nov 2002 from Perseus Project URL below, which contains bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.


  An early and important city (EphArch [1956] 1f; D.S. 19.88), most probably identified with the largest site in the plain of Ioannina, a craggy limestone ridge called Kastritsa on the S side of the Lake of Ioannina. It was defended by a massive circuit wall ca. 3000 m long and was densely inhabited. The fortifications were extended at various periods and include gateways and towers of different kinds. It stands at a nodal point in the communications of Epeiros. The area has yielded Prehistoric, Classical, and Hellenistic pottery.

N.G.L. Hammond, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites, Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Nov 2002 from Perseus Project URL below, which contains bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.


  The city in Central Epeiros in which the Molossian kings and people exchanged oaths (Plut. Pyrrh. 5.1). A temple of the late 4th c. B.C. has been excavated. Inscriptions show that the Molossian state and later the Epeirote Alliance passed resolutions here. The hill Gardhiki above Radotovi is crowned with a circuit wall ca. 1500 m long, built at various periods. Passaron controlled the route leading from the plain of Ioannina to the upper Kalamas valley.

N.G.L. Hammond, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites, Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Nov 2002 from Perseus Project URL below, which contains bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.

Trampya (Voutonosi)

  A city below Metsovon in S Epeiros, reputedly founded by Odysseus (StBiz s.v.). There are remains of a circuit wall ca. 940 m long; and inscriptions and bronzes have been found.

N.G.L. Hammond, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites, Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Nov 2002 from Perseus Project URL below, which contains bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.

Bounimai (Moni Voutsa)

  Appropriate for a summer assembly of the Epeirotes. There are remains of a walled area and inscribed reliefs have been found there (StBiz s.v. and SGDI 1339).

N.G.L. Hammond, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites, Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Nov 2002 from Perseus Project URL below, which contains bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.

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